European Collective Identity

European Journal of Social Theory http://est. sagepub. com/ A Theory of Collective Identity Making Sense of the Debate on a ‘European Identity' Klaus Eder European Journal of Social Theory 2009 12: 427 DOI: 10. 1177/1368431009345050 The online version of this article can be found at: http://est. sagepub. com/content/12/4/427 Published by: http://www. sagepublications. com Additional services and information for European Journal of Social Theory can be found at: Email Alerts: http://est. sagepub. com/cgi/alertsSubscriptions: http://est. sagepub. com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www. sagepub. com/journalsReprints. nav Permissions: http://www. sagepub. com/journalsPermissions. nav Citations: http://est. sagepub. com/content/12/4/427. refs. html >> Version of Record – Nov 10, 2009 What is This? Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4): 427–447 Copyright  © 2009 Sage Publications: Los Ange les, London, New Delhi, Singapore and Washington DCA Theory of Collective Identity Making Sense of the Debate on a ‘European Identity’ Klaus Eder H U M B O L D T U N I V E R S I T Y, B E R L I N Abstract This article argues for a robust notion of collective identity which is not reduced to a psychological conception of identity. In the ? rst part, the debate on the concept of identity raised by several authors is taken up critically with the intention of defending a strong sociological conception of identity which by de? nition is a collective identity.The basic assumption is that collective identities are narrative constructions which permit the control of the boundaries of a network of actors. This theory is then applied to the case of Europe, showing how identity markers are used to control the boundaries of a common space of communication. These markers are bound to stories which those within such a space of communication share. Stories that hold in their narrative structures social relations provide projects of control. National identities are based on strong and exclusive stories.Europeanization (among other parallel processes at the global level) opens this space of boundary constructions and offers opportunities for national as well as subnational as well as transnational stories competing with each other to shape European identity projects. The EU – this is the hypothesis – provides a case in which different sites offer competing opportunities to continue old stories, to start new stories or to import old stories from other sites, thus creating a narrative network on top of the network of social relations that bind the people in Europe together.European identity is therefore to be conceived as a narrative network embedded in an emerging network of social relations among the people living in Europe. Key words  ¦ collective identity  ¦ European identity  ¦ narrative analysis  ¦ network analysis  ¦ sociological theory www. sagepublications. com DOI: 10. 1177/1368431009345050 Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 428 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4) Identity: A Contested Concept Collective identity has been at the centre of attention in societies that were formed in the course of the making of the nation-state.The nation, however, has not been an exclusive focus. Collective identity can equally refer to cities, to regions, or to groups such as political parties or even social movements. For some time, collective identity has also been an issue with regard to Europe where public debate is increasingly concerned with the problem of a European identity that is seen as lacking or as necessary. But why do societies, groups and even a union of nationstates such as the EU need an identity? For a person, an identity allows them to be recognized as something particular vis-a-vis others.But why do groups, up to the nation and even transnational phenomena such as the EU, need an identity? The argument in the following is that the distinction between the identity of persons and the identity of groups and societies is an empirical one. Persons and societies are cases of identities. Persons have an identity by positioning themselves relative to other persons and by giving to these relations a meaning that is ? xed in time. An identity guarantees being a person in the ? ux of time.The same holds for groups: a group has an identity if it succeeds in de? ning itself vis-a-vis other groups by attributing meaning to itself that is stable over time. Identity as an analytical concept covers all these cases: identity emerges by linking past social relations with those in the present. In some cases, even future social relations are included; in this case, identity is linked to ideas of salvation or fate that include future social relations in our present existence. All these ‘constructions’ emerge within a speci? type of social relations in the present and allow an interruption of the permanent change of social relations, thus creating an identity in which persons, groups or societies can see themselves and be seen by others as being ‘identical’ over time. Everyday common sense in our society uses the concept of identity in a different way; it sees identity is something that a person or a group has. Contrary to this common sense, sociological sense sees the person or the group as a special case of identity that has emerged in a highly particular type of social relations: persons are transformed into individuals in social relations which are de? ed as relations between ‘free and equal people’. This is the modernist form of social relations of transforming persons into something that has an identity, i. e. individuals. This modernist form of social relations also transforms groups into something that has a collective identity, i. e. into nations. In the historical move from subjects to indiv iduals and from kingdoms to nations, we can observe a shift in the construction of identity. Identity is reconstructed since it refers to a different type of social relations.In such social relations, identity becomes a particular preoccupation of ‘individuals’ or ‘nations’, as the permanent work on identity repair and identity con? rmation shows. As an analytical concept, identity denotes something that holds across all these cases, providing stable meaning in the ? ux of social relations. Since identity in this sociological usage refers to social relations, any kind of identity is by de? nition social. Individuals and nations in the society we live in constitute the two Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012Eder A Theory of Collective Identity poles of identity constructions. 1 In-between, we have a series of social forms such as couples, families, associations, classes, regions, or ethnic groups which can be seen as intermediate cases of identity. The two poles of identity constructions are not ? xed, since changing social relations might produce forms of identity beyond the nation, an issue that is at the core of the debate of European identity and that makes this debate theoretically important. 2 In the following, a theoretically robust notion of collective identity will e presented. This task is carried out in the next section in a critique of the critical statements on the concept of collective identity that have arisen in the past decade. It consists of recuperating it from the fragments of the deconstruction of this concept in recent theorizing. The constructive argument in this recuperation effort is based on two assumptions. The ? rst is that that processes of identity construction vary with the complexity of social relations. The second assumption is that processes of identity construction have a ‘narrative structure’.These two theoretical moves then help to reassess the ongoing debate on the identity of Europeans or of a ‘European identity’ which preoccupies elites, sometimes people and which keeps active a rather signi? cant part of the public debate and increasingly scienti? c debate on ‘Europe’. In an oft-cited paper, Brubaker and Cooper (Brubaker and Cooper, 2000) made a strong attack on the concept of identity in the social sciences following this lead. They make three strong arguments. Their ? rst criticism has been that reputed authors using the term do not really need it. They use identity only as the marker of an intention (to be culturally sensitive). Identity is not related to the social analysis that has been presented elsewhere in their work. A second criticism of Brubaker and Cooper is that the notion of collective identity necessarily implies some notion of primordialism. Assuming that collective identity denotes something beyond shared values or norms, then there must be something more substantial than this to justify its use. The constructivist position starting with a non-essentialist position ends up in essentialist notions of collective identity.Constructivism produces outcomes that contradict its basic premises of ? uidity and multiplicity. A third criticism is that we already assume a groupist social ontology which forecloses the analytical grip of the diversity of patterns of non-groupist social forms; we exclude by de? nition the possibility of non-groupist social life, the possibility of living social relations without claiming an identity. Yet the solutions which Brubaker and Cooper offer do not resolve the problems addressed by them. The ? rst argument forces us to specify the added value of using the notion of collective identity as an analytical category.This is an obvious postulate. Categorical ornamenting or fashionable category-dropping should be avoided. We should either propose a strict sociological notion or leave the concept to psychologists who interpret identity as a phenomenon of the human mind. My proposal is that we can make a strong sociological concept out of it as long as we do not confuse it with psychological notions. The second argument that some substantialism is implicit in constructivist accounts of collective identity implies that substantialism is in some sense ‘bad’. Downloaded from est. sagepub. om at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 429 430 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4) The implicit answer of Brubaker et al. is that we should assume a world in which the social no longer needs an overarching naturalizing symbolism. However, there are social situations in which primordialism does pop up. Thus, the theoretical answer should be to identify situations in which constructions of collective identity vary between primordialism and arti? cialism. The third argument against the ‘groupist ontology’ raises the issue of the mechanism through which social actors relate to each other.Collective i dentities are, the argument says, ‘groupist ontologies’ which in fact they are. They are symbolic forms through which a world of social relations is mirrored. These ontologies exist and have a structure and are the result of social processes that can be reconstructed. Doing away with such ‘ontologies’ is missing the object of a theory of collective identities. Groupist ontologies become the more important, the more social interaction is mediated by cultural techniques that establish sociality without the presence of the other.Such forms of indirect sociality need a social rationalization that invokes the social. Therefore, we have to assume that there is something that they have in common beyond the co-presence of the others. The theoretical assumption that follows is that the idea of collective identity emerges when cultural techniques (such as bureaucratic formula, written texts, computer interfaces) serve as interrupts of social interaction and generate indirect social interaction. To act beyond natural bonds, i. e. through cultural techniques, means to generate an abstraction of social experience.The argument then is that there is an increasing need for such collective identities in complex societies when indirect social relations increase in number. To forestall the macro-theoretical argument: The more a human society is differentiated, the more it needs a collective identity. The central hypothesis that derives from this assumption is that collective identities vary with the structure of the system of indirect social relations. The theory does not assume that collective identity is unitary, coherent. This is only one way of organizing the social bond among people.Collective identity can also be fuzzy, multiple. It is the variation of identities which requires explanation. The theory proposed explains this variation as being contingent on the structure of social relations among people. In other words, the network structure linkin g a people shapes the construction of the identity of that network which then is used to reproduce this network structure. 4 Thus, collective identity constructions are a central building block of social relations. Therefore, we should not give up the concept of collective identity, but make better use of it.Collective Identity Construction as Projects of Control: Adding Narrative Structure to Evolutionary Process The functionalist argument implicit in evolutionary theory tells us that it is necessary to create bonds which oblige people to pay taxes, to send their kids to schools, or to die for their country. On a more abstract level, it says that I accept that things are done to me by others which I accept only by those with whom I Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 Eder A Theory of Collective Identity have a special social relation, a sense of some community.This common factor obliges people to accept the social norms imposed upon them. 5 The argument that collective identities are collective rationalizations of social relations points to the trans-psychological character of collective identities. The link between identity and reality is to be constructed independent of psychological assumptions about human needs or motivations for collective identity. The psychological grounding may even turn out to be a variable that varies with the form of collective identities. This happens when groups turn toward outside references for a collective identity.As Pierre Nora argues: ‘Moins la memoire est vecu de l’interieur, plus elle a besoin de supports exterieurs et de reperes tangibles d’une existence qui ne vit plus qu’a travers eux’ (Nora, 1984: xxv). Collective identities are social constructions which use psychological needs and motives to provide an answer to the questions ‘who do I belong to? ’ or ‘who do we belong to? ’ Collective identities make use of such ps ychic references in speci? c social constellations. This happens regularly in social relations bound to concrete social interaction.It also happens in social relations that transgress the realm of social interaction such as constructions of national identity and produce situations of ‘effervescence collective’, as Durkheim described it. The more indirect social relations are, the more important become social carriers such as texts or songs or buildings which store collective identities. To the extent that collective identities are linked primarily to individuals in concrete interaction situations, emotional ties such as the sense of pride and shame become important mechanisms for reproducing collective identities.To the extent that collective identities are linked to objects as their carriers, these objects become carriers of generalized emotions that are built into the object, into images or texts. Such generalized emotions are embodied in what can be called ‘nar ratives’. This argument thus takes seriously the emotional aspect of identity constructions. There is something in the social relations that goes beyond the sense of shared interests and reciprocal solidarity. But this does not imply a return to a psychological notion of a sense of identity or of identi? cation. It rather leads us to think social relations in terms of hared meanings, i. e. narratives that people share ‘emphatically’ with each other. This sense of narrative sharing has to do with the sense of being part of a particular ‘we’. This can be called the ‘narrative bond’ that emerges in some social relations (but not in all of our social relations). Thus, a collective identity is a metaphor for a speci? c type of social relations that are embedded in the last instance in a narrative network that is as dynamic as the stories are that are produced and reproduced in ongoing social communication mediated by these social relations (E der, 2007). Collective identities are analyzed as narrative networks that emerge in evolutionary processes; the path of development of such networks is prescribed by the structure of the narratives at play. The proposed theory argues that in complex societies, strong collective identities will emerge and that the narratives people share to live in this complex world will remain the basic building blocks of identities. The difference from the traditional world is that everybody lives through and with an increasing number of narratives that mediate social relations. ThisDownloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 431 432 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4) also increases the contingency of the developmental path prescribed by narrative networks. National identity constructions are the last instance of a collective identity with a clear path prescription, the making of nation-states. National identities do what collective identities do in general: they are stories that combine a series of events in texts, songs and images which some people recognize as being part of their particular we, i. . as a collective identity. In addition, national identity constructions have succeeded in imposing themselves as a hegemonic identity in a territorially bounded political community. This exclusiveness is built into a story which links people de? ned as citizens of a political community. This story is transmitted to and learned by new generations, practised in national rituals and objecti? ed in songs (anthems) and images (? ags). Counter-stories exist in those political communities in which two hegemonic stories compete (such as Belgium or Canada).Yet even in these cases, the two stories are often aligned in one national story, told in different languages. This national solution is increasingly contested. Narratives appear which tell different stories about who we are. The problem is the co-existence of many hegemonic stories. This creates not only a practical problem but also a theoretical problem: How to conceive the narrative network underlying a political community in a situation where we have many narratives ? oating around and referring to it? The case in point is Europe. 7 Making Sense of a ‘European identity’From Identi? cation with Europe to European Identity Constructions Research on collective identity construction in Europe is dominated by some variants of the social identity paradigm. Social identity theory claims that identi? cations have group-speci? c effects in terms of distance and proximity. This paradigm is useful because it allows us to use existing survey data which measure the degree to which people start to be ‘proud’ of their ‘institutions’ (at least to trust them) and ‘identify’ with Europe (conceived in political or cultural terms) (Kohli, 2000).Another way is to emphasize symbols of state power, such as a ? ag, a hymn, a representative bu ilding, or the memory of a successful political act such as the act of uni? cation which can be represented in a ? ag (with 15 stars) which are made the object of ‘knowledge’ or ‘identi? cation’ with Europe. Taking such indicators at face value requires assuming that strong identi? cations and good knowledge imply strong identities. 8 But it is a long way from identi? cations to identities and there is no necessary parallelism between strong identi? cations and strong identities.A collective identity is different from what is measured when we look at the degree of identi? cation with a prede? ned set of symbols. Such research tells us about the feedback effect on the individual level in the process of collective identity construction. It tells us nothing about the Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 Eder A Theory of Collective Identity mechanisms of identity construction that might provoke such feedback effects. Suc h research does not make theoretical sense of collective identity construction in Europe. 9The substantive result of the research on identi? cation with symbolic representations of European political institutions is that they continuously show a weak sense of belonging with regard to Europe, much less than exists in the nationstate. The political community as a legal space with rights and duties does not provoke identi? cation, which means that they lack meaning beyond national culture. 10 Since the basis of strong identi? cation with political symbols is dependent upon the culture within which they make sense, research has turned to cultural symbols in order to ? d something that is worth identifying with in Europe. This search was guided by the theoretical expectation that what makes national symbols worthy of identi? cation also holds for European symbols. Some people looked for this meaning in some kind of republican idea of Europe. Others were searching for it in some kind of c ultural idea of Europe. Interestingly enough, this debate reproduces the classic debate on the making of a nation over a republican conception of the nation and a cultural conception of the nation (Brubaker, 1992; Giesen, 2001).While searching for a European identity in terms of identi? cation with Europe, the space of communication in the EU expands. Something is happening that does not show up in the surveys. The problem is therefore to ? gure out how this expanding space is ? lled with new symbols that provide a sense of the limitations of that space. This sense of limitation is not necessarily linked to the symbolic representations of the European political institutions or of a particular European culture. 11 This sense is rather emerging in the course of constructing increasingly dense networks of social elations in Europe that need a collective identity as a project of their control. The proposal is to look not at political or cultural symbols but at stories that emerge in the making of a network of social relations among those living in Europe. There are at least three ways of telling such stories in Europe which are not reducible to the national tool-kit for constructing collective identities. There is a story based on a successful process of uni? cation, i. e. the story of the European integration process as a successful economic and political project, which is the basis of a European citizenship narrative.This is the story of the making of a rich, yet socially responsible continent, the story of an economic yet social Europe. There is another story that emerges from the memory of a murderous past of Europe. The space of communication based on shared memory is a potential source of strong feelings. Stories telling a shared past constitute boundaries with high emotional value. There is ? nally a story that relates to Europe as an experiment in hybrid collective identities, not as a ‘melting pot’, but as a ‘diversity pot’, whic h is a story in the making.The three stories, the story of a successful common market as a citizenship narrative, the cultural story of a shared past and the story of a ‘new’ social bond of diversity emerging in Europe might produce present-day feedback effects in the mind of Europeans – but to do so they ? rst have to have emerged as stories. Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 433 434 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4) What binds Europeans into a network of social relations at the European level does not show up in established research.It only provides some indications of individual resonance to what is asked in the questionnaires which themselves rely on the model of the old European nation-states. Collective identity remains hidden in the black box of aggregated individual responses. Their answers are like remote effects of processes working behind the backs of these individuals. To excavate more systematically t he symbolic forms in which emerging identi? cations with Europe make sense and grow is the task ahead. From Normative Claims to the Analytical Description ofCollective Identities in Europe A second strand of research on a European identity which is based on a normative approach does not fare any better than the socio-psychological approach. The basic argument is that a democratic Europe needs a people conscious of itself as a people. This argument has been formulated as the ‘demos’-problem. A demos is the constituent of a democratic polity (the ‘people’), and as such it needs a collective identity that goes beyond the idea of a people as just a bunch of private interests.Democracy in Europe needs a people with an idea about themselves that links them beyond private egoistic interests. Ideally the bond should be so strong that it accepts redistributive measures by political institutions. This bond could even be conceived as something that motivates people to die for the political community they live in. 12 To die for a symbolic bond is simply a mode of sharing which mobilizes the strongest possible emotions. With such a normative standard in mind, collective identities are classi? ble as varying between the poles of being weak and being strong in terms of emotional attachment to a good thing. We could translate this normative argument into the conceptual framework of the theory proposed above and provide a sociological instead of a normative argument. Arguing that European collective identity is so far a weak identity simply says that the story of the common market does not suf? ce to control the boundaries of a space of communication linking free and equal individuals into a political community.It is argued that ‘Europe’ needs a different story than that of exchanging goods through the medium of money (i. e. the Euro). Euro coins provide a story for delimiting a common symbolic space which involves people in their being r ational individuals seeking their own advantages. It needs more, a story which tells people that they are citizens of a political community. And maybe it even needs a still stronger identity since it must generate a sense of a particular responsibility and recognition of the other European itizens which goes beyond recognizing them as co-citizens. This argument, however, has always troubled normative democratic theory since it produces a further problem that is hard to tackle within classic political theory: that those following universalizable rules for each other need a special sense to connect to some (those who are members of community) and less to others (those who are not members of the political community). This special sense is no longer based on universalistic arguments, but on narrative images. Downloaded from est. agepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 Eder A Theory of Collective Identity The normative debate helped to denounce the idea of a common market as a mode of living together; it gave power to political institutions which started to engage in fostering and making a European identity. What this identity ? nally implies remained rather imprecise: beyond the acceptance of political institutions, this debate produced more dissent than consensus on what a European identity should look like. The debate therefore remains inconclusive.Rather than taking this debate as an explanation of identity construction, it can be taken as a series of events in the process of identity constructions that is going on within and outside these normative debates which are used to construct a particular narrative as a special (even chosen) people. Normative arguments are a part of narratives; they are embedded in narrative clauses that convey meaning to argumentative debates (Eder, in press). Normative debates are therefore an important part of the process of identity construction, part of an ongoing story that is produced in arguing about Europe.The Reference Object of a European Collective Identity Making theoretical sense of collective identities that have emerged and are continuing to crystallize in the course of European integration is a sociological programme directed at and against socio-psychological and normative approaches to European identity. Sociological approaches tell us whether, how and to what extent identity markers emerge in social processes that are situated in time and space. Normative discourses on collective identity are part of collective identities, explicit justi? ations of the boundaries of a network of social relations. Normative conceptions of a European identity are therefore part of the phenomenon that needs an explanation. The same holds for social-psychological approaches. To ? nd another starting point to analyze ongoing processes of identity construction in Europe is to take Europe as an empty signi? er. It could mean anything ranging from the identi? cation with a culture to a geographical uni ty ranging from the Atlantic to the Urals or to a unity that coincides with the legal realm of the European Union or to a unity that is de? ed by membership in the Council of Europe. We could take such ‘ideas’ as proxies for a Europe to be taken as a reference object of collective identity. Thus we could talk about a cultural Europe, a geographical Europe, a Europe of Human Rights, and a political Europe. Thus Europe is decomposed into a series of ‘Europes’ (in the plural) speci? ed by an adjective. Nevertheless, the problem of the construction of the thing to which a European identity refers remains. Collective identities refer to a space of communication, the boundaries of which vary with what is communicated.This is an implication of the theoretical assumption that collective identities are constructed through stories. Stories that link people vary with the communicative network which they constitute. Thus, the reference object of collective identities i s a network of communication with boundaries which are identi? ed and controlled by an identity. Networks of communication generate identities as a project of control of their boundaries (White, 1992). Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 435 436 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4)The boundaries of Europe could be de? ned – following the national model – by political boundaries. In that case the legally de? ned space of the European Union is the referent for a collective identity. Legal de? nitions are grounded in stories that link people in that space in a particular way, mainly as citizens in that network. This network develops social relations as connections between citizens that can vary from dense to loose relationships. The trend is so far toward increasing density, measured by the increasing number of legal regulations that impinge upon the life of European citizens.This legal de? nition of a network of social relatio ns corresponds to attempts to de? ne a political control project: linking the citizens in a political identity and thus controlling the boundaries of a legal space. This very speci? c condition (legal rules as based on stories that bind) generates political identities as a project of control of the boundaries of the European political community. The story of this project is the European citizenship story which competes necessarily with the national citizenship story.National citizenship is the result of a long process of historical concept formation in which national identity emerged, integrating social and cultural differences under a new concept: citizenship (Somers, 1995). This same concept is now used to make a European identity: inventing the European citizen as the narrative core of a European identity. 13 To indicate the difference, some adjectives have been used to mark the difference of European and national identity such as the idea of cosmopolitan citizenship.Yet there is no way to avoid national citizenship stories from adopting cosmopolitanism as one of their elements. Cosmopolitanism ? ts just as well into the story of national as well as European citizenship. This story, since its beginning, has exclusively been tied to nationally de? ned networks of social actors. Thus there is an inherent dif? culty with constructions of a collective identity based on the citizenship story. This citizenship story is enriched by reference to the Common Market and to a Social Europe.Both are connected like two sides of the one coin and their combination often serves as a possible particularity of Europe that distinguishes it from the rest of the world. This object is integrated into the European citizenship story: the story of a successful process of European integration which transformed foes into friends, which transformed war into wealth and freedom (i. e. , the ‘four freedoms’). It is further supported by de? ning the role of this EUEurope in th e outer world, i. e. to de? ne Europe as an actor with a clear role in the world. 14A second reference object is European culture, mainly de? ned as its traditions. The substance of this European culture is itself contested. Europe is rather a battle? eld of cultural images that confronts the cultural traditions that have shaped Europe. This is the particular ‘cultural heritage’ of Europe. It ? nds it in its ‘values’ which are opposed to the values cherished in other cultures. These Others are, however, shifting objects: the non-European world is projected on some particular Others, sometimes on the ‘East’, sometimes on the ‘Orient’, sometimes on ‘America’.Distinguishing a European culture from such Others is a strategy for the foundation of a story about a European Self, i. e. a collective identity. Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 Eder A Theory of Collective Identity The d if? culties with such a reference object which is taken as unique, clear and well-bounded lead to a third reference object based on the assumption that a European Self has never existed.Europe has many different cultures that have co-existed for centuries; this refers not only to the different national cultures that come together in Europe; it also refers to the Arab and Jewish and other Eastern cultures that have had and still have a strong impact on what we consider to be part of Europe, which are equally inside and outside of a European culture. And, ? nally, Europe has added the cultures of the Others in the course of migration movements over past decades which again cannot be assimilated without having an impact on Europe’s culture.Thus, reducing the reference object of a European culture to its ‘values’ or ‘cultural heritage’ is a simpli? cation which does not take into account the contradictory cultural orientations and the contestations about their ‘Europeanness’ in present-day Europe. What kind of story can be told about this diversity of a European culture? We can imagine a story about the many cultures and the forms in which they have encountered each other and shaped the course of cultural change in Europe.There are stories in Europe, in Southern Europe, stories about the co-existence of Arab and Norman culture, of Jewish and Christian culture, of Mongols and ‘gypsies’ in Europe. These stories often tell terrible tales which does not mean that the end of the story is hell. Thus it seems to be an open story, which can be continued and which is fostered in a Europe where these different cultures again clash – yet under different conditions from the past. Which collective identity is mobilized depends on the story that is chosen to identify the boundaries of a network of social relations that bind ‘Europeans’, i. . those living in Europe and ? ghting for its cultural orient ation, to each other. The three basic stories, the story of a common market and a Social Europe embedded in the story of a European citizenship, the story of a unique European culture, and the story of a hybrid Europe are incompatible. They will not coincide in terms of constructing a clear boundary; rather, they construct different boundaries. They tell about different ‘Europes’ (in the plural). Thus, European identity emerges as something with varying boundaries, depending upon which story we tell.Whether there is an overall story connecting these stories and transforming them into one ‘European story’ depends upon a series of restrictive conditions. According to the theoretical model presented above, this has to do, ? rst, with the evolution of networks of social relations in Europe, and then with the structural properties of these different stories which determine their narrative connectivity. The question could be answered in the positive to the extent that Europe develops social relations in which the economic, legal and cultural boundaries coincide, as was the case in national societies. 5 Such homogeneity of the economic, cultural and the political dimension is not given in the European context. Europe is characterized by the non-coincidence of these different boundaries. Taking Europe as a unique culture disembedded from its political institutional framework goes beyond the national model yet keeps the assumption of a homogeneous culture. Taking Europe as a hybrid form of social relations gives up even the assumption of clear cultural boundaries of a Europe in search of its identity. Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 437 438 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4)Looking at European identity as a project of control of a European society, the assumption resulting from the ‘evolutionary’ part of the theory presented above is that in a European society being more than any other society in need of a collective identity, we have to expect emergent patterns of constructing a collective identity in the context of culturally non-congruent multiple networks of social relations. Whether there will be a story of the three stories thus becomes a new issue for research. The ? rst observation is that the multiplicity of networks of social relations evolving in Europe allows more stories to ? w within these networks. Since such systems are composed of loosely coupled partial networks, the narrative mediation of the loose coupling of a diversity of networks of social relations becomes the focal problem of these networks of social relations. Since coupling is – as the theory claims – mediated by narrative meaning, the issue of how stories can link such networks of social relations and generate an identity of these networks is the key problem. Since social relations in such systems are held together by a multiplicity of stories, the solution of one he gemonic story no longer works.Europe is confronted with coordinating at least three hegemonic stories. In the following, these three model stories for constructing a collective identity for Europe are discussed more systematically. The idea is to distinguish three formal network structures of social relations on which projects of de? ning an identity for Europe are built. These will be distinguished as supranational, postnational, and transnational identity constructions of Europe. Three stories can be related to these model identities. They are used to make sense of these constructions and provide the collective resonance that can absorb ? ating identi? cations in Europe. Supranational identity constructions make use of the plot of the ‘Jean Monnet success story’. Postnational identity constructions follow the plot of ‘And they will live in peace together forever’. Transnational identity constructions ? nally work with the plot of a ‘broker Europeâ⠂¬â„¢. 16 These three stories provide narratives with which different models of networks of social relations, i. e. different types of societies, can be produced and reproduced. These elements are organized in a speci? c sequence which gives narrative meaning to these elements.Thus identities can be analyzed as being more than a series of identi? cations with a market, a polity or a culture; they can be analyzed as a speci? c sequential pattern of organizing such identi? cations into a coherent whole which is a story. Models of Collective Identities in Europe The ? rst model story links national stories directly to a supranational story. National stories become part of a network of stories which has a ‘star structure’: national stories are linked to a centre which constitutes the connection between national stories via this centre, without direct links between the units of this narrative network.It is only via the centre that the national identities are integrated into a higher one. This does not require direct links between the Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 Eder A Theory of Collective Identity national stories. The meaning of national stories is dependent upon their relationship to the centre: the closer to the centre, the more it provides elements of an emerging European story; the further from the centre, the more such elements become irrelevant. Thus there is permanent struggle going on in which the link to the emerging story is contested.This particular network structure can be called a supranational story since it relies on the emergence of a distinct story of something that is decoupled from national stories. This supranational story is the becoming story of Europe which so far has only a brief history (60 years). It can be extended by adding precursors, either in the twenties of the last century, or in the course of the nineteenth century. Sites for constructing such a centre-oriented network are especially Brussels and Strasbourg. The Council of Europe is trying to tell such a supranational story, de? ing the boundaries of Europe in a larger perspective than a more closed EU story does. Rituals of enacting this EU story are European summits, European days, giving meaning to Europe’s ? ag and anthem. A case for such a supranational story is the story of Jean Monnet as the founding father of United Europe, which can have a more ef? ciency-oriented version, a version tending towards some idea of moral and political excellence of European politics, or a version of a common European culture that is defended and kept by European institutions. Also counter-narratives add to this supranational story.The critique of an Empire Europe, mobilizations against Fortress Europe or the general critique of Brussels as a site of arrogance of power contribute to the making of a supranational story of Europe. The second model story is based on a particular mode of linking national s tories. National stories are networked through direct links which do not crystallize around a centre. European identity appears as a network of national networks. This emerging network minimizes the distances between the parts of the network (maximizing its geodetic distances) and follows the pattern of a ‘clique structure’.This clique network structure produces postnational identity as its control project. Postnational identity is the added value of merging national stories into shared stories. The distances between the national stories in Europe vary, yet their interaction forces them to position themselves in relation to other national stories without ending up in isolation from some or all of these other stories. The story that is told about Europe is then a story in which the relations between national stories and their actors are at stake.Winners and losers, heroes and perpetrators of the recent past and of the present are related, change position and try to ? nd a new position in an emerging European script. Germans and Austrians are repositioned as well as Poles or Hungarians; Italians and French have to struggle to position their heroes in this emerging postnational script. Euro-scepticism and Euro-af? rmativism spread across the national heroes. Euroscepticism is no longer connected only to the English and af? rmativism is no longer the domain of the Germans.The emerging story turns into a postnational story where national actors try to relate their proper stories to those of the others by looking for a position in a postnational plot in Europe. Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 439 440 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4) Sites for staging this star-structured network are WWII rituals and Holocaust rituals where a European story is enacted. European ? lm rituals or European soccer games provide an analogous opportunity to de? ne a social relation between Europeans that makes narrative sense beyond the nation.A case for such a postnational identity is retelling the story of the winners of WWII by including the losers. Another case is the Holocaust, a traumatic story linking victims and perpetrators across nations. It also appears in counternarratives of a Eurosceptic Europe which mobilizes the losers of Europeanization across national boundaries in Europe in favour of the nation as the exclusive site for solidarity. 17 The third model story can be identi? ed which describes Europe as a site in which cultural differences cut across national differences, thus creating a different structure of cleavages among the people in Europe.This third model is based on networks of groups interacting across national borders and creating a unity out of an increasing diversity of national and non-national elements. This network structure differs from the others in the sense that it does not provide direct interactive links between its parts, yet produces an ordered network of social re lations. It is a network integrated by the structural equivalence of the positions of groups of actors. Indigenous and immigrant and migrating people are related to each other as claiming or occupying structurally equivalent positions in an emerging European society.Such a transnational story fosters the narrative of hybridity, the equal participation in a diversity of cultures in Europe. Sites for such transnational relations fostering hybrid collective identities are particular places in Europe where hybridity has been lived for some time. Cases are the commemoration of hybrid cultures in Southern Spain, Southern Italy, Sicily and Turkey or Europe or the commemoration of Europe’s Abrahamic past fostered by the re-entry of the Islamic and the Jewish story into Europe’s Christian story.Stories of hybrid Europe are narrated as model cases for a Europe where distinct religious traditions succeeded in living together in peace and reciprocal enrichment. The Jewish story is seen as an instance of brokerage between Europe and the Other of Europe in a way similar to the Islamic story which can be seen as a bridge between Europe and the Other of Europe. There exist also counter-narratives of a transnational Europe which is ‘tribal Europe’, the idea of a Europe based on primordial ties that precede concrete interaction ties and which claim structural equivalence on the basis of some constructed common origin.Such hybrid constructions reposition Europe and its Other in a way that transgresses the basic assumptions of the ? rst two models. The ? rst two models still assume a core substance de? ning Europe that is realized in social relations of communication and understanding. The third model provides a model story in which cleavages and unbridgeable differences undermine the search for a coherent ‘good story’, for the simple story plot of a good Europe. Yet there is still a story to tell, i. e. the story of the art of living toget her. This art requires competent re? xive actors, engaging in demanding performances which do not presuppose understanding but take understanding as a rare and happy moment in a series of permanent misunderstandings. Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 Eder A Theory of Collective Identity Transnational identity as a project of control of networks of social relations that engage in permanent crossovers is embedded in a story which makes itself the object of a story: it is re? exive storytelling. It combines many and different stories and mixes them in an unforeseeable way.Europe provides a site for such re? exive storytelling which is increasingly used for hybrid constructions: a European Islam, a European Jewry, a European Christianity, a European secularism and universalism which emerge from the encounter and hybridization of traditions and cultures inside and outside Europe. Europe in this sense is an experimental site for a collective ide ntity that differs in all respects from historical experience. European Identity as a Case of Transnational Identity Construction Europe has more than one story.At the same time, this society has developed a discourse about itself in which it thematizes itself stating that it has so many stories that bind and separate. Thus, European society is an ideal case for studying the link between increasing complexity and the search for narrative bonds. How are these stories combined? Is there a story of the stories, a meta-story to tell in Europe? A meta-story that might gain hegemonic status as the national story did in the modern nation-state. This question cannot be answered in an af? rmative way.The answer has to be decomposed into the sequential ordering of these stories and their points of contact. We have to look at the temporal dimension of the use of this tool-kit in which some boundaries of what constitutes Europe have been left aside, while others have gained in prominence and ol der ones have been reframed. We have to deal with a dynamic process that accompanies the construction of Europe as a political community from its beginning. The creation of a narrative network is a process exhibiting sequential patterns and generating constraints on reproducing the social relations created so far.In this sense, collective identity is a process of creating a space of social relations which never ends. Yet it is possible for the analytical observer to block the future of such processes in a thought experiment and describe in which sense the future to come can be ? xed. The idea of the nation has succeeded in blocking the future of collective identity construction for a long time. The temptation to ? x it forever has ended in a series of national civil wars and ethnic cleansings which undermined this process of telling one story with a ? xed end.The process of creating a collective identity in Europe in the same vein would end up in two analogous bottlenecks: the ? rst is that it would be premature to block the process of organizing social relations in terms of one collective identity because there are many collective identities that are used to structure an unsettled space of social relations; the second is that blocking the future might in principle be counter-productive since it would create high identitarian con? icts over which boundary has to be recognized and which not. Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 41 442 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4) When we block the making of a European story, then we see something that is more arti? cial than any of those that have managed to provide the narrative network for social relations such as ideas of ‘nation’, ‘empire’, ‘lineage’ or ‘caste’. Terms such as hybrid identity are fashionable and point to the temporary and unstable mix of different stories controlling the boundaries of a space of communicat ion. Europe has a moving boundary which depends on the story we mobilize. To give precedence to the political story is an unwarranted move.Political identities compete with other stories. The emerging competition of political and cultural stories in the debate on the link between politics and religion is an indicator of a moving link. The link between the economic story and the cultural story is equally dynamic as the ? ghts about a neo-liberal economy and social economy show (Boltanski and Chiapello, 1999). A European narrative is a dynamic combination of different stories that will produce a dynamic form of collective identity, i. e. favour a permanent process of constructing and reconstructing a European identity.To reduce it to a neoliberal or a cosmopolitan or a traumatic identity misses the emergent property of their parallel existence. This is still a highly abstract conclusion yet it points to the basically temporal character of identity constructions which vary in terms of their openness toward the future. Collective identities emerging from such processes are increasingly multidimensional and multilayered. Stories by which identities are constructed do not simply co-exist but rather in? uence each other and produce emergent properties through multiple forms of recombination.Evolutionary theory proposes ‘recombination’ as a result of processes of generating new elements (stories) and their selection in the course of building up social relations among human beings. It, however, has nothing to say on how such recombination works. This is an open space that is to be ? lled. Theoretically speaking, we have to expect structural restrictions and opportunities for stories to combine or to separate. Instead of identifying ‘collective identities’ as entities, we should see identities as evolutionary products of processes in which stories are combined and recombined.Europe is an ideal case for such a theoretical perspective: Europe pro duces stories about itself in the permanent confrontation with stories about the Other which again produces effects in the Other who produces his own stories by looking at the ? rst as the Other (the case in point is the reciprocal storytelling that takes place between Europe and Turkey or Europe and Russia). Such reciprocal storytelling produces shifting identities in which permanent identity mutation takes place. These processes can be halted by political identities with the risk of entering into identitarian struggles with cultural identities.They can be halted by cultural identities with the risk of entering into con? ict with political identities. And economic identities can try to block the future while provoking political and cultural identities. What could emerge is a story of con? icting stories, a re? exive meta-story in which we tell each other about the futile attempts to block the future. But this is mere speculation. Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publicatio ns (UK) on April 26, 2012 Eder A Theory of Collective Identity ConclusionThe debate on European collective identity so far has not been able to establish a systematic link between the forms of collective identity constructions and the networks of social relations in which this process is embedded. Thus, theorizing European identity has lost its empirical foundation. This loss has been compensated for in two ways: by a thin theoretical strategy which is to reduce the issue of collective identity to the issue of the extent of identi? cation with Europe, or by a thick theoretical strategy which uses nation-building as the model for collective identity construction in Europe.The thin strategy does not tackle collective identity constructions since identi? cations are elements of collective identity construction, but not its organizing core. The thick strategy assumes that Europe will develop in a way analogous to the national story, which is an unwarranted assumption. Variations in publ ic pride or identi? cation with Europe as measured in surveys indicate the resonance of a people to stories that serve for identity construction. A collective identity might produce identi? cations, and thick identities produce a lot of strong identi? cations. But collective identity is not the result of identi? ations, it is rather the object to which identi? cations refer. The explanation of the construction of collective identity must therefore be sought independent of the identi? cations that it produces. The proposal made in this article has been to analyze the construction of collective identities in Europe by looking at the sites where debates on its identity take place. The market has been mainly devalued and even denounced as a site for a collective identity, in spite of the fact that the success story of the Common Market would have offered a good institutional starting point. 8 The central debate on a European identity focuses on a politically de? ned collective identity, such as the discourse on constitutional patriotism in Europe or on a secular legal culture in Europe such as the one represented in the Council of Europe. However, the cultural symbols mobilized by this Council are universal values that not only the people in Europe share. This reduces boundary controlling effects and undermines the construction of a strong collective identity. Another variant is the claim that an ethical self-understanding is binding those living in the EU together (Kantner, 2006). 9 These arguments are not explanations of processes of identity constructions, but elements in stories providing projects of control of the boundaries of ‘Europe’. Thus, we have several sites in which stories circulate that compete for hegemony in the process of collective identity construction in Europe. Its social basis is a society that constitutes itself in overlapping circles. These networks no longer coincide as they do in the national situation. Thus, the social embe dding of identity constructions poses a new theoretical problem: the idea of a society that consists of partially overlapping networks of people.Each of these networks has its own stories that compete to represent each of these networks. This produces a dynamic of identity construction which needs analytical description and theoretical explanation. Analytically we have to understand the complex interplay of many stories circulating in partially overlapping networks. And we have to identify Downloaded from est. sagepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 443 444 European Journal of Social Theory 12(4) when and where stories can be linked with other stories, by identifying the structural restrictions and opportunities for the connectivity of stories.Thus, we can take seriously the idea of Europe as a multilayered society of partially overlapping networks in which a plurality of stories is circulating and a new story of stories can be created and narrated. For the time bei ng, we have to reckon with a plurality of projects of collective identities in Europe which vary in their combination in time. This plurality might turn out to be an advantage: instead of imposing a hegemonic ‘grand narrative’, Europe can live with a diversity of stories that need only one property: to offer nodes as docking stations for other stories.Thus storytelling in Europe will be an open process, capable of taking up new stories without assimilating them. The only criterion that counts is: to be able to continue to tell a story. Identity is a contested concept – this was the observation at the beginning. The end of the theoretical story is the observation that Europe is a space with contested stories and that it is through contestation that stories that bind can be told. In this space the links between stories will multiply and connect many other stories that so far nobody considered to be part of Europe.The emergence of a new society in Europe and the tem porary blocking of its future in terms of constructing a plurality of European collective identities form the phenomenon that we have to understand. This makes the analysis of a ‘European identity’ a demanding theoretical, methodological and empirical task. The conclusions to be drawn from the foregoing discussion are recipes for further research. For the moment I see four such proposals for organizing research on collective identity in the context of Europe and for generalizing from this context to some model of collective identity beyond the nation: †¢ †¢ †¢ Identifying sites and stories of the narrative network that emerges in Europe. Identifying the story structure organizing this narrative network. Describing this narrative network as a project of control of social relations (and its boundaries) in Europe. Explaining the turning points in the evolution of the narrative network by the social relations between people, regions, civil society organizatio ns, economic organizations and ? nally nation-states that emerge in the course of Europeanization. By applying these proposals we do not need psychological assumptions such as a minimum of ‘identi? ations with Europe’ in order to see ‘identity’ in Europe and explain its emergence and evolution. If there is a collective identity, then identi? cation will come – more or less, depending on social structures that develop in the emerging society in Europe. Notes 1 I leave aside the idea of humankind as an identity construction beyond the nation since it leads to the other pole of the identity of individuals. Humankind is the sum of such individuals. Whether the idea of cosmopolitan identity goes beyond this aggregate notion of individual identity has to be seen. Downloaded from est. agepub. com at Sage Publications (UK) on April 26, 2012 Eder A Theory of Collective Identity 2 Forms of identity beyond the individual are another theme which is raised in the context of debates on ‘subjectivity’. 3 The authors cite Tilly (1995), Somers (1994, 1995) and Calhoun (1994). 4 This also implies an argument against psychological theories that see collective identity as something that people need to identify with. I rather take a Durkheimian view seeing collective identity as a social fact imposed upon us and forcing u

Current Trends in Business Communication

Technology advancements over the recent years have made communication possible in different ways. Communication in the business world today can range anywhere from e-mails, personal digital assistants, text messaging, instant messaging, and through the use of web-cams, just to name a few. These different communication tools allow employees to communicate both internally and externally in a timely and more efficient manner. The current trends in communication within the healthcare industry make it easier for health care professionals to perform their daily tasks, and provide patients with more quality care. The Role of Business Communication in My Workplace Communication is extremely important in my line of work as a nurse. Without good effective communication skills between the various healthcare professionals involved in a patients care and between the healthcare professionals and the patient, the quality of care would or could be grossly impacted. As a nurse, communication takes place in many different forms, whether it is through notes, e-mail, phone, Internet, software used by the facility, or face-to-face communication. Typical internal day-to-day communication activities in my job include checking my work list on the software application that the healthcare facilities use to communicate between the chains of healthcare facilities within the region. The work list may have orders from the doctor to perform certain tasks such as phoning in a prescription to the pharmacy or updating a medication list for a patient. Another type of internal communication that takes place in my day-to-day activities besides oral communication, software communication, and phone communication, is written communication through the use of text messaging. There are times when the doctor will be out of the office and unable to talk directly to a patient or myself and will instead send text messages to my cell phone. Text messaging is not necessarily a daily occurrence but is used regularly. External day-to-day communication that my job requires me to use may include verbal or oral communication with patients either by the use of phone or face-to-face. It is also common to send written material with the patients or to the patients at their home address. Communication with pharmaceutical representatives via e-mail is also common. There may be questions about medications for example, which are not emergent and completely acceptable to send via e-mail to the representative. Text messaging is not an acceptable means of external communication and is never used. The use of the Internet and software has a huge impact on my ability to perform daily activities in a timely manner. Without the ease of communicating electronically simple activities could take could take much more time to complete. Current software has made it easy to re-order prescriptions for patients by just looking up a patient and renewing past prescriptions and sending them to the specific pharmacy that they use. This makes it not only easier for the doctor and the nurse but also for the pharmacist. Also there are times when it is necessary to get ahold of the doctor who could be in a meeting through the use of text messages. This allows important questions to be answered right away instead waiting until the meeting is over. Trends within the Healthcare Industry. Technology has had a big impact in the healthcare industry. My workplace will be going paperless in September of this year. Doctors are preparing for this by making sure that all patient information listed in patient charts such as medication lists and diagnoses’ are put into the system. All internal communication between different facilities will be done through the use of software or by phone. No patient results will be sent through fax or through mail. According to LexisNexis, â€Å"Obama sees the investment in electronic records as a way to improve quality and lower costs. Different Message Types Resulting From Current Trends According to Articlesbase (n. d. ), â€Å"The different message types that result from these current trends are either personal or impersonal. † The different message types resulting from these current communication trends are in the form of e-mails, text messaging, various software, Internet communicatio n, face-to-face video conferencing, instant messaging, and social networking sites such as Twitter or Facebook. Conclusion The current trends in business communication have been greatly influenced by the advancements in technology. The Internet, cell phones, MP3 players, personal digital assistants, social networking sites, and video conferencing among others, has allowed business communication to take place in many forms and from all over the world with ease. These current trends have made it easier for healthcare professionals to communicate more efficiently internally and externally and allow day-to-day activities to get accomplished more quickly than in the past. References: Articlesbase.  (n.d.).  Business Communication: Business Trends and Message Types.  Retrieved from http://www.articlesbase.com/networking-articles/business-communication-business- -trends-and-message-types-4133734.html ASQ.  (n.d.).  Going Paperless Pays Off for Healthcare Industry .  Retrieved from http://asq.org/qualitynews/qnt/execute/displaySetup?newsID=5661

Social Psychology Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 5

Social Psychology - Assignment Example Truly, what we think can build a great difference in what the reality is. This is exactly what Robert J. Trotter contends. In his own words Trotter (1987) elucidates, â€Å"The way we explain the things that happen to us may be more important than what actually happens†. His thesis is heavily laid open the theory proposed by Martin Seligman who explained that the depression occurred as a result of what came be to known as â€Å"learned helplessness†. Primarily, his chance encounter in an experiment on dogs conducted in the University of Pennsylvania changed Seligman’s thoughts. The dogs which in an earlier experiment had learnt that they would get a shock did not try to escape this time, for they learnt how to expect that they would have no control over it. â€Å"They sat there as if they were helpless† (Trotter, 1987). The same principle is applied to human beings. Indeed, much of what we are, how we think and behave and how we react over certain situations get constructed as a result of our expectation of what we had learnt earlier. One fails in an examination once. He sits for another examination expecting nothing but failure and submits to his thought that he can not escape failure. Trotter agrees with Seligman’s thesis that this ‘learnt helplessness’ is directly proportional to human depression. In other words, the extent to which a human experiences depression is determined by the extent to which we have learnt how to be helpless. However, ‘learned helplessness’ theory was not without limitation. Seligman’s students argued with him that not all the uncontrollable bad events produce helplessness and depression. Also, they questioned why would depressed people always lose self-esteem or blame themselves. In order to counter these arguments, he revised the theory to explain the phenomena of ‘explanatory style’. The way we explain things impacts the way we behave. He argued

Human resource-staffing Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Human resource-staffing - Essay Example The first thing is that it is worth paying these individuals what they are worth or what they demand from you, if you want to attract them to work for you. Quite possibly because of their reputation for producing results, they are being targeted by headhunters and competitor organizations in the industry. So giving them the kind of compensation and benefits they want- of course within reasonable limits- coupled with a free hand in running most things will attract them to the organization (Berger & Berger, 2003, 35). Of course, we do not want a clash between two or more top performers, so budgets and areas of operation and control have to be carefully delineated, with the CEO making decisions if there is an impending conflict. Quite possibly a performance bonus or sweetener has to be offered if they are involved in an organizational turnaround, with stock options in tow. Developing a talent inventory for the most promising individuals in the organization and giving them ample opportunities to be responsible as well as get training, learning and development will help prepare a talent pool from within the enterprise itself. It is best to put such individuals under direct reporting of the top performing individuals, so that a talent pool is developed that could be used in case the top performer resigns, dies or is lured by a competitor. 8. Keeping an eye on the market and the top performing individuals in different areas of the industry can also help in filling important positions from outside if relevant talents are not available within the organization. I think that the best single practice I have learned in this regard is to be prepared and it is always best to have a succession plan or backup plan in place in case an important individual leaves the organization. This is possible if one keeps an eye on what is happening in the industry from time to

Analysing the Environment Burden of Your Diet Essay

Analysing the Environment Burden of Your Diet - Essay Example The main objectives of the issue to be analyzed are what impact our food consumption has on the agricultural production. What changes can we bring in our daily diet so that the growing burden on our environment can be minimized. The diet consumed by different age groups as well as the gender differs greatly. The people who are involved in physical form of labor surely need a different and a healthier diet as compared to the ones who are not physically that active. We seriously need to examine the degradation of the environment, the consumption of nonrenewable resources, population growth and the possible decline in prosperity. Reduction of population density would ensure individual prosperity and quality environment for future generations. Today's consumption pattern of the world is undermining the base of the environmental resources and putting a great burden on it. The existing consumption pattern especially seen in certain countries can put great stain on the environment and its natural resources, which can have serious impact on the world society. But what needs to be analyzed is how much of the environmental degradation that we see today has resulted from overpopulation and how much of it is due to the exploitation and due to geopolitical interests and consumerism. Consumption is not the real issue; the problem is its pattern and effect. Globally, 20% of the people of the world in the highest income countries account for 86% of the total private consumption expenditures- the poorest 20% and the minuscule 1.3%. The following consumption pattern of the rich countries shows how stark the inequality of the above mentioned percentage is: Consume 45% of all meat and fish, the poorest fifth 5% Consume 58% of total energy, the poorest fifth less than 4% Have 74% of all the telephone lines, the poorest fifth 1.5% Consume 84% of all paper, the poorest fifth 1.1% Own 87% of the world's vehicle fleet, the poorest fifth less than 1% Runaway growth in consumption in the past 50 years is putting strains on the environment never seen before. The excessive use of petroleum and fossil fuels, plus erosion and other misuses of our natural resources are reducing the carrying capacity of our ecosystem. The concept of sustainable development is universally accepted as a means of protecting the environment for the whole of mankind and demands, that the future manufacturing technologies must be cleaner, yet economically strong and ecologically beneficial. To analyze how much intake of different food items is consumed by an individual, the following chart will be helpful. But again the diet taken by people of different age groups and gender will differ greatly. Given below is a chart describing the different food items consumed by "me" during the past week: Top of Form Bottom of Form This can be taken just as a rough guideline of the diet of an average person and can be used to analyze how much food is consumed by the huge population around the world. If we further go into details and see how much food "I" used in one week, we would need to see how much land per hectare was used to produce the fruits, vegetables and grains consumed; how much water for irrigation was needed; the fertilizer used and insecticide sprayed to

Critical Introduction to Law Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Critical Introduction to Law - Essay Example Basically feminism concerns the study or movement against women’s subordination common to all of them in a particular society. And it is culturally and historically specific. Thus forms of oppression of women are different among societies, races and countries. The subordination of Afro-Caribbean women, Asian women, working class women, lesbian women, single mothers are qualitatively different but unified by gender. For example, reluctance of the police to intervene in Asian women’s protest against domestic violence in their community. Police justify their reluctance citing the value of extended family system in Asian communities and letting them settle their disputes on their own. This is not only sexist but also racist bias. White State power has also been indifferent to the voices of these Asian women. 2 Women have been excluded in market place and government and given the main responsibility of bearing and rearing children and to give refuge to men from the pressures of capitalist world. This separation of women from the public sphere was more acute in the nineteenth century. At the same time, men are dominating both the public and private spheres even today by legal orders with private sphere devoid of legal control making them even more dominant in private life. In America, females were excluded for exercising franchise in the 19th century. In 1820s and 1830s, white males got franc hise rights even without property holdings. And after the civil rights movement when black men gained the franchise rights, women regardless of race, were left behind. It was only through the 13th amendment, women gained the right to vote. It did not mean women finally got the rights and duties befitting electoral status. It was only in 1961, they were accorded jury duty. The armed combat duty as a test of citizenship has still not been accorded to women today. In English common law, women were not allowed to enter certain professions like law

In Vitro Fertilization Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

In Vitro Fertilization - Research Paper Example After the formation of embryo, it is implanted in the woman’s uterus through a quick 20 minute procedure. The success rates of IVF are different for every couple and they should carry out a thorough research and analyze their options before committing for IVF. Certain risks are associated with IVF which can affect both the mother and the fetus. Spontaneous abortions, low birth weight babies and congenital abnormalities are feared from IVF pregnancies. IVF requires a firm sense of commitment from the couple as it not only requires a long term strict medical vigilance but also a strong financial and emotional support. The couples should be made aware of the associated risks and feared outcomes. With the modern advancements, improvements in IVF are being made and the associated risks have also been controlled to a great extent. In Vitro Fertilization In vitro fertilization (IVF) is a remarkable scientific and medical solution for those couples who cannot reproduce naturally becau se of any reason. In vitro fertilization has a Latin origin and it means â€Å"fertilization under glass†. The name was given because initially glass dishes were used in the laboratories for the whole procedure. The application of IVF widely all over the world provided a solution for those couples who were hopeless and it seemed impossible to reproduce or have children of their own. This advanced form provides a solution for the treatment of various causes of infertility in both men and women. The quick and feasible procedure is widely chosen by many couples because of its high success rates in various countries. However, many ethical dilemmas and feared outcomes highlight the other side of IVF (Alabi 2012; Charlesworth 2004). It is important to understand the basic procedure involved in the IVF along with its historical evolution in the field of medicine. In vitro fertilization is a technique used as a means of reproductions for people who cannot conceive naturally and this method has its own benefits as well as short-comings and these factors have been highlighted by various researches and studies. The first successful attempt at IVF was made in the year 1978 in England. On 25 July 1978 the first baby was born through the IVF technique. Patrick Steptoe and Robert Edwards were the two doctors who made this remarkable procedure possible and a healthy baby girl, Louise, was born to Lesley and John Brown. Many commented on the possibilities of acquiring complications in the child because of the IVF procedure. But to everybody’s delightful surprise, Louise grew up as a completely healthy and normal child. This successful attempt was achieved by the two doctors after repeated unsuccessful 80 experiments with infertile women and it took a long time period of 10 years. The Lancet published this remarkable outcome on 12 August 1978. After this fruitful attempt, many different clinical settings in various parts of the world also applied this procedure as a treatment for the infertile couples. In 1981, Elizabeth Carr who was the first in-vitro baby of the United States was also born with the assistance of the team at the Jones Institute in Norfolk, Virginia. Initially the success rate of IVF was very unpredictable and very few victorious attempts were made. Some of the major short-comings included its high cost, intensive labor and only suitable for those women who faced infertility because of tubal obstruction. With the passage of time,

Food Service Company Profile and Analysis Research Paper

Food Service Company Profile and Analysis - Research Paper Example This paper highlights the history and development of the company. It also analyzes the market conditions of the company, giving its strategies. This paper briefly analyzes the menu of the company, its human resource strategies and sources of finances. It has a conclusion, which provides a critique of the organization's strategies, and business operations. In 1968, Charley Woodsby and Bill Darden came up with an idea of forming the restaurant. By then, the name of the company was Harbor for Sea Food Lovers. It was the first restaurant in Florida, Lakers, and it opened other branches in the State. This happened in the periods of 1970s, and back then, their main competitor was a restaurant by the name of Kitchen Stove. The company was successful in introducing fresh and new delicacies to their customers. These fresh dishes became popular, and this accelerated the growth of the company, and in the 1980s, the company made its presence in Canada. However, its Canadian experience was not good; this is because the company made lots of losses. The competition was stiff in Canada, and due to poor strategies and lack of sufficient market information, the company was forced to close some of its branches in Quebec, Canada. This happened in September 1997. In 1995, Red Lobster, Olive Garden, and Bahama Breeze were integrated as part of the Darden Restaurants Inc. Joe Lee was then in charge as the Chief Executive Officer, and later on, he handed the company to Clarence Otis. The company is passionate about seafood, and over the years, the company has initiated the culture of innovation for the purposes of introducing and developing new menus that will satisfy the needs of its customers.   The company provides a conducive environment for dining and celebrations. It is devoted to producing high-quality services, and seafood products.

Internal Control Essay Example for Free

Internal Control Essay Question 1 a) Select two companies where inadequate internal control have resulted in disastrous effects on the organisation or exposed it to heavy losses. Research the facts of the failure and report on the facts and the losses suffered. In your report, include suggestions for changes to operations (internal controls) that could have prevented the final outcome. Where could you find a list of these internal controls and how are they documented? Examples of companies include: Coles Myer Ltd and the Yannon affair Barings Bank (1995) AWA Case (1992) Integral Energy (2003) Australian Museum-theft of zoological specimens (2003) Argonaut Resources (2011) Each report should be about no longer than 1 page in length. Two reports required. b) Select two companies that have experienced recent corporate governance failures. Research the facts of the failure and report on the facts and the losses suffered. In your report, give suggestions on the Corporate Governance principles that should be implemented and that could have prevented the failure. Examples of companies include: ABC Learning (2008) Storm Financial (2009) Strathfield (2009) One-Tel HIH Independent Insurance (UK) Commander Communications (2008) EzyDVD (2009) Clive Peters Beechwood Homes Australian Discount Retail (Crazy Clarks’, Go-Lo, Sam’s Warehouse) (2009) Queensland Health Department (2011) Parmalat (Italy) Each report should be about no longer than 1 page in length. Two reports required. Question 2 a) In your own words explain Internal Control within an organisation, and state the major objectives of a system of internal control to management? b) List and briefly explain the five components of an entitys internal control structure. Question 3 a) Define Corporate Governance and its application in the corporate world and discuss the need for Corporate Governance. b) Look up the Annual Reports for two of the following companies and comment on the appearance, structure, content, and usefulness of the Corporate Governance and Sustainability section of the report. How does it meet the current principles of Corporate Governance? Companies include: Banks: ANZ, CBA, NAB, Westpac, Bendigo Resources: BHP, RIO Tinto, Woodside, Santos Financial services: Macquarie Group, Perpetual, QBE Health care: Sonic, Resmed, CSL Retail: Woolworths, Wesfarmers, Metcash, Harvey Norman Property: Centro, Stockland, Westfield Property Trust, WRT Family business: Westfield, Harvey Norman, News Corporation Interesting: Fairfax, James Hardie, Qantas, Telstra Your report should be about no longer than 1 page in length. Two reports required.

Knowledge and Plato Essay Example for Free

Knowledge and Plato Essay Plato is one of the most important founding figures in Western philosophy and has had an impact on nearly every philosopher from all time periods. Alongside his mentor Socrates and his student Aristotle, Plato created some of the most significant works in philosophy; ultimately building the framework for western philosophic education. The dialogues of his works are wide ranging, from focuses on life and reality beyond what we see and hear, and subjects as practical rules, laws, education and punishment. Historians believe that Plato was born between 427 and 429 BC in Athens, Greece. Born in to an aristocratic family, Plato was involved in politics from an early age; however, he did not stay on the traditional political path for long. In Plato’s work The Republic, his ideas were to transform and improve political life, as he knew there was no escaping it. As the result of an early failure, Plato came to the conclusion that political action would not stop violence and greed, which is what changed his philosophic approach. It is believed that Plato met his mentor, Socrates, in his youth and his education under Socrates shaped his ideas about the world. Socrates played a role in almost all of Plato’s works and was a robust influence in Plato’s life and ideas. Plato was a believer in the importance of ethics and true self-introspection. In many of his writings, he references the importance of self-reflection; â€Å"First and best victory is to conquer self, to be conquered by self is, of all things, the most shameful and objectionable. †1 Plato was also passionate about music and its importance in education. He stated, â€Å"I would teach children music, physics and philosophy; but most importantly music, for the patterns in music and all the arts are the keys to learning. † 2 Many of Plato’s later works were profoundly influenced by the idea of the soul and the concept of dualism, meaning the separation of the mind and the body. 3 He believed that the real reality is not what we see or what we hear but is something that subsists in a higher realm beyond our day to day life. Many of his ideas on the soul influence a multitude of religions today as he believed that a human’s soul is immortal and that the soul is separate from our physical being. In 387 BC Plato founded what is credited as the first European university, The Academy, in Athens, Greece. The Academy focused on subjects such as astronomy, biology, mathematics, political theory, and philosophy. While at the Academy, Plato wrote many of his most significant works, including The Republic. 4 Plato spent his time at The Academy encouraging students to learn through discussion in order to become freethinkers. Plato even felt that his works and dialogues should be used more as supplementary aids and that no one should rely solely on what they read in a book or dialogue. Plato’s dialogues are used to this day to aid in the teaching of subjects ranging from philosophy to math. Plato’s out of the box thinking will continue to be thought provoking and influential for thousands of years to come. Many of his idealisms are still taking place in teachings and the living of every day life. His diverse subjects and desire for equality will continue to bring positive motivation to those study his works. Bibliography Cooper, John M. , and D. S. Hutchinson. Complete works. Indianapolis, Ind. : Hackett Pub. , 1997. Hunt, Lynn , Thomas Martin, Barbara Rosenwein, and Bonnie Smith. From the Classical to the Hellenistic World. In The Making of the West: Peoples and Cultures. Boston: Bedford/St. Martins, 2010. 114-115. Richard, Kraut. Plato (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. http://plato. stanford. edu/entries/plato/#PlaCenDoc (accessed September 23, 2013).

Conceptual Art Movement Characteristics

Conceptual Art Movement Characteristics Conceptual art is based on the concept that art may exist solely as an idea and not in the physical realm. For supporters of this movement, the idea of a work matters more than its physical identity. While having its roots in the European Dada movement of the early 20th century and from the writings of philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein, conceptual art emerged as a recognised art movement by the 1960s. When the expression concept art was coined in 1961 by Henry Flynt in a Fluxus publication, it was also adapted by Joseph Kosuth and the Art and Language group (Terry Atkinson, David Bainbridge, Michael Baldwin, Harold Hurrell, Ian Burn, Mel Ramsden, Philip Pilkington, and David Rushton) in England, in which the term took on a different meaning. This group saw conceptual art as a reaction against formalism and commodification and believed that art was created when the analysis of an art object succeeded the object itself and saw artistic knowledge as equal to artistic production. The term gained public recognition in 1967, after journalist Sol LeWitt used it to define that specific art movement. Conceptual artists began the theory by stating that the knowledge and thought gained in artistic production was more important than the finished product. Conceptual art then became an international movement, spreading from North America and Western Europe to South America, Eastern Europe, Russia, China, and Japan. All these movements came to a major turning point in 20th century art, when the theory that art is idea was reaching a summit debate, challenging notions about art, society, politics, and the media with the theory that art is ideas. Specifically, it was argued that this form of art can be written, published, performed, fabricated, or simply an idea. By the mid 1970s many publications about the new art trend were being written and a loose collection of related practices began to emerge. In 1970, the first exhibition exclusively devoted to Conceptual Art took place at the New York Cultural Centre. It was called Conceptual Art and Conceptual Aspects. Eventually the term conceptual art came to encapsulate all forms of contemporary art that did not utilize the traditional skills of painting and sculpture. Conceptual art also had roots in the works of the father of Dadaism, Marcel Duchamp, the creator of the ready-made. Duchamp had a key influence on the conceptualists for the way he provided examples of artworks in which the concept takes precedence. For example, Duchamps most famous work, Fountain (1917) shows a urinal basin signed by the artist under the pseudonym R.Mutt. When it was submitted to the annual exhibition of the Society of Independent Artists in New York it was rejected under the argument that traditional qualities of art making were not being reflected. It was a commonplace object and therefore exceedingly ordinary and not unique. Duchamps focus on the concept of his art work was later defended by the American artist Joseph Kosuth in his 1969 essay Art after Philosophy when he wrote All art (after Duchamp) is conceptual (in nature) because art only exists conceptually. Between 1967 and 1978 Conceptual art rose to its golden age, enabling distinguished conceptualists such as Henry Flynt, Ray Johnson, Robert Morris and Dan Graham to emerge on the art scene. During the influential period of conceptual art, other conceptualists such as Michael Asher, Allan Bridge, Mark Divo, Jenny Holzer, Yves Klein and Yoko Ono also established names for themselves. Conceptual art was intended to convey a concept to the viewer, rejecting the importance of the creator or a talent in the traditional art forms such as painting and sculpture. Works were strongly based on text, which was used just as much if not more often than imagined. Not only had the movement challenged the importance of art traditions and discredited the significance of the materials and finished product, it also brought up the question at the nature of the art form whether art works were also meant to be proactive. Conceptual art was the forerunner for installation, digital, and performance art, more generally art that can be experienced. In conceptual art the idea or concept is the most important aspect of the work. When an artist uses a conceptual form of art, it means that all of the planning and decisions are made beforehand and the execution is a perfunctory affair. The idea becomes a machine that makes the art. Sol Lewitt, Paragraphs on Conceptual Art (1967) Conceptual art is art formed by ideas. It is a form of modern art of which the idea or ideas that a work conveys are considered its crucial point, with its visual appearance being of minor importance. As Sol Lewitt says, What the work of art looks isnt too important. No matter what form it finally have it must begin with an idea. It is the process of conception and realization with which the artist is concerned. Sol Lewitt Paragraphs on Conceptual Art (1967) Conceptual art challenges the validity of traditional art, the existing structures for making, publicizing and viewing art. Moreover it claims that the materials used and the product of the process is unnecessary. As the idea or ideas are of major significance, conceptual art consists of information, including perhaps photographs, written texts or displayed objects. It has come to include all art forms outside traditional painting or sculpture, such as installation art, video art and performance art. Because the work does not follow a traditional form it demands a more active response from the viewer is made to engage the mind of the viewer rather than his eye or emotions., in other words it Marcel Duchamp Fountain 1917 could be argued that the Conceptual work of art in fact only exists in the viewers mental participation. It doesnt really matter if the viewer understands the concepts of the artist by seeing the art. Once out of his hand the artist has no control over the way a viewer will perceive the work. Different people will understand the same thing in a different way. Sol Lewitt, Paragraphs on Conceptual Art (1967) Conceptual artists deliberately produced works that were difficult if not impossible to classify according to the old traditional format. Some consciously produced work that could not be placed in a museum or gallery, or perhaps resulted in no actual art object which hence emphasize that the idea is more important than the artifact. Conceptual art is not necessarily logical. The ideas need not be complex. Most ideas that are successful are ludicrously simple. Successful ideas generally have the appearance of simplicity because they seem inevitable. In terms of idea the artist is free to even surprise himself. Ideas are discovered by intuition. . Sol Lewitt, Paragraphs on Conceptual Art (1967) Echoing the difficulty in classification as mentioned above, conceptual art cannot be defined in terms of any medium or style. Rather, it can be defined in the way it questions what art truly is, a piece of conceptual art is recognized in one of the four forms: a readymade, a term devised by Duchamp through his piece Fountain. (photo) Joseph Kosuths One and Three Chairs 1965 Traditionally, an ordinary object such as a urinal cannot be thought to be art because it is not created by an artist or possesses any meaning of art, it is not unique, and it possesses hardly any probable visual properties of the traditional, hand-crafted art object; an intervention, in which image, text or object is positioned in an unpredicted context, hence rousing awareness to that context: e.g. the museum or a public space; written text, where the concept, intention or exploration is presented in the form of language; documentation, where the actual work, concept or action, can only be presented by the evidence of videos, maps, charts, notes or, most often, photographs. Joseph Kosuths One and Three Chairs (photo) is an example of documentation, where the real work is the concept What is a chair? How do we represent a chair? And hence What is art? and What does it represent?. The three elements that we can actually see (a photograph of a chair, an actual chair and the definition of a chair) are secondary to it. They are of no account in themselves. It is a very ordinary chair, the definition is photostatted from a dictionary and the photograph was not even taken by Kosuth it was untouched by the hand of the artist. If a work of conceptual art begins with the question What is art? rather than a particular style or medium, one could argue that it is completed by the intention This could be art: this being presented as object, image, performance or idea revealed in some other way. Conceptual art is therefore reflexive: the object refers back to the subject, it represents a state of continual self-critique. Being an artist now means to question the nature of art The function of art as a question, was first raised by Marcel Duchamp The event that made conceivable the realization that it was possible to speak another language and still make sense in art was Marcel Duchamps first unassisted readymade. With the unassisted readymade, art changed its focus from the form of the language to what was being said. Which means that it changed the nature of art form from a question of morphology to a question of function. This change one from appearance to conception was the beginning of modern art and the beginning of conceptual art. All art (after Duchamp) is conceptual (in nature) because art only exists conceptually Artists question the nature of art by presenting new propositions as to arts nature. Kosuth, Art After Philosophy (1969) Hence runs the famous passage of the serial essay first published in Studio International in 1969 in Art After Philosophy, in which Kosuth set out his stall for purely conceptual art. In it we find transition from the negative questioning inherent in the aesthetic indifference of Duchamps readymades to the positive investigations of Kosuths distinct brand of Conceptual art: a transition from the wide-eyed surprise of This is art? to a new way of claiming This is art. Before standing a chance of entering into the general vernacular, art first must be conceived, then executed and lastly presented to a public, however small. In the 19th century, in France, the Impressionists were all innovative artists imposing themselves on reluctant audience. The same applies to the great art movements of this era. They consisted of artists producing works that the public for art neither wanted or anticipated, but were forced to gulp down because it posed issues of innovation which could not be avoided. The reluctant audience included collectors and critics, and even older artists, who inevitably feel their own pre-eminence being threatened. Who, after all, is not made to feel uncomfortable by the unknown art form, as for the matter in all things? It is normal and effortless to fall in love with what is preconceived to be good, beautiful, right and proper. We now all love the Impressionists because we have come to acknowledge and therefore feel comfortable with th em. But the first and foremost task of the new art is to instigate a sense of comfort. In autumn 1997, the show Sensation subtitled Young British Artists from the Saatchi Collection was mounted at the Royal Academy. It was one of the first to focus on shock art. According to the publicity leaflet, Sensation was both an attempt to define generation and to present Charles Saatchis singular vision in an established public forum. On display were 100 works by 42 artists selected from the Saatchi collection. Works that evoked powerful visual and emotional reactions were selected. With the figure of attendance going over 285,000 Sensation undoubtedly created sensation. Among all the artists shown, Damien Hirst was undoubtedly the most successful and sought after at present. Having several records of the highest ever paid living artist, Hirsts works creates a phenomenon in the current art market. Hirsts work falls into seven categories. The first group are his Natural History series, the tank pieces which he calls incorporates dead and sometimes dissected creatures such as, cows and sheep as well as sharks preserved in formaldehyde. Hirst describes these as suspended in death and as the joy of life and inevitability of death. A pickled sheep, said to have sold for 2.1 million, followed by the first shark. The second group is Hirsts long-running cabinet series, where he displays collections of surgical tools or pill bottles usually found in pharmacy medicine cabinets. The Blood of Christ, was paid $3 million, consists of a medicine cabinet installation of paracetamol tablets. In June 2007 a record was set at Sothebys London for the highest price paid at auction for a work by any living artist, $19.1 million for Hirsts Lullaby Spring, a cabinet containing 6136 handcrafted pills mounted on razor blades. Spot paintings were Hirsts third long-running production. Usually named after pharmaceutical compounds, these paintings consist of fifty or more multicoloured circles painted onto a white background, in a grid of rows and columns. The reference to drugs refers to the interaction between diverse elements to create a powerful effect. The spot paintings were produced by assistants. Hirst tells them what colours to use and where to paint the spots, and he does not touch the final art, only to affirm it as a finished product of art with his signature. In May 2007 at Sothebys New York, a 76 x 60in spot painting sold for $1.5 million. The fourth category, spin paintings, are painted on a spinning potters wheel. One account of the painting process has Hirst throwing paint at a revolving canvas or wood base, wearing a protective suit and goggles, standing on a stepladder, shouting turpentine or more red to an assistant. Each spin painting represents the energy of random. The fifth category is butterfly paintings. In one version, tropical butterflies mounted on canvas which has been painted with monochrome household gloss paint. In another version, collages are made from thousands of mutilated wings. The mounted butterflies are intended as another comment on the theme of life and death. Some of Hirsts art incorporates several categories; together with publicity-producing titles, like Isolated Elements Swimming in the Same Direction for the Purposes of Understanding, a cabinet of individual fish in a formaldehyde solution combines stuffed creatures with the cabinet series, but has the same intention as the spot paintings, to arrange colour, shape and form. The sixth category was a collection of 31 photorealist paintings, first shown at the Gagosian Gallery in New York in March 2005. Most canvases depicted violent death. Hirst pointed out that the artworks were, like the shark and the spot and butterfly paintings, produced by a team of assistants. Each painting was done by several people, so no one is ever responsible for a whole work of art. Hirst added a few brushstrokes and his signature. The seventh category was the much-publicized project a life-size cast of a human skull in platinum, with human teeth, from an eighteenth-century skull. Encrusted with 8,601 pave-set industrial diamonds with a total weigh of 1100 carats, the cast is titled For the Love of God, the words supposedly uttered by Hirsts mother on hearing the subject of the project. It was sold for  £50 million. Hirst says that For the Love of God is presented in the tradition of memento mori, the skull depicted in classical paintings to remind us of death and mortality. And most recently, the collection of 25 works, known as The Blue Paintings, are predominantly white images painted on dark blue and black backgrounds, with pictures featuring iguanas, shells, beetles and a still life of a vase of roses, entitled Requiem, White Roses and Butterflies. The collection also includes two self-portraits, two triptychs and several paintings featuring skulls, one of Hirsts favourite motifs. All the paintings were produced by Hirst himself, without the help of assistants who created some of his most famous pieces. The illustrious Australian art critic Robert Hughes, however, isnt buying the hype. This is partly because Hughes who presents The Mona Lisa Curse, a one-off polemic broadcast on Channel 4 this Sunday considers Hirsts work flashy and fatuous. Indeed he has described Hirsts formaldehyde tiger shark, The Physical Impossibility of Death in the Mind of Someone Living, a tacky commodity, and the worlds most over-rated marine organism. The critic said commercial pieces with large price tags mean art as spectacle loses its meaning and identified the British artists work as a cause of that loss. The idea that there is some special magic attached to Hirsts work that shoves it into the multimillion pound realm is ludicrous, Hughes says. [The price] has to do with promotion and publicity and not with the quality of the works themselves. It is not the first time that Hughes has made public his contempt for Hirsts art. Four years ago making a speech at the Royal Academy of Arts annual dinner, he said: A string of brush marks on a lace collar in a Velazquez can be as radical as a shark that an Australian caught for a couple of Englishmen some years ago and is now murkily disintegrating in its tank on the other side of the Thames. Brian Sewell, art critic of the London Evening Standard, was appalled by Hirsts Turner prize-winning work. I dont think of it as art, he said. I dont think pickling something and putting it into a glass case makes it a work of art It is no more interesting than a stuffed pike over a pub door. Indeed there may well be more art in a stuffed pike than a dead sheep. I really cannot accept the idiocy that the thing is the thing is the thing, which is really the best argument they can produce. Its contemptible. Even at his most recent show of his Blue Paintings at the Wallace Collection early reviews for the show were not good. The Guardian said that at its worst, Hirsts drawing just looks amateurish and adolescent, and The Independent dismissed the paintings as not worth looking at. Hirsts work has drawn criticism from all quarters. Predictably, his work has been ridiculed in the tabloid press. When Hirst won the Turner prize in 1995 with Some Went Mad, Some Ran Away, an exhibition he curated and which featured many of his works including Mother and Child Divided (cow in formaldehyde) and Away from the Flock (sheep in formaldehyde) the Conservative politician Norman Tebbit wrote in the Sun: Have they gone stark raving mad? The works of the artist are lumps of dead animals. There are thousands of young artists who didnt get a look in, presumably because their work was too attractive to sane people. Modern art experts never learn. The Daily Mails verdict on the 1999 Turner Prize also referred to Hirsts work: For 1,000 years art has been one of our great civilising forces, the newspaper commented. Today, pickled sheep and soiled beds threaten to make barbarians of us all. Reviewing Hirsts works and the criticisms made on them engage us in discussion about whether the art work he produced command the power and high prices deserved because it is good, or because it is branded? Is the artist famous because of his work, because the public was awed by the shock value of his work, because Charles Saatchi first made him famous with the high price reported in Physically Impossibility, or is he famous for being famous? Another question is perhaps if Hirst is famous because he, as an artist, or took on the role as a social commentator, who offers a profound meditation on death and decay? All these questions clearly imply that Hirsts work and his talent for marketing and branding cannot be ignored. His brand creates publicity, and his art attracts people who would never otherwise view contemporary art. What must not be overlooked is the originality of Hirsts concept. He shaped shared ideas and interests quickly and easily, his work developing during the decade to reflect changes in contemporary life. He made important art that contained little mystery in its construction by relying on the straightforward appeal of colours and forms. His work is striking at a distance and physically surprising close up. Hirst understood art in its most simple and in its most complex. He eliminated abstractions mystery by reducing painting to its basic elements. During the time when art was a commodity, he made spot paintings saucer-sized, coloured circles on white ground that became luxury designer goods. His art was direct but never empty. In the later spin paintings, Hirst emphasized a renewed interest in hands-on process of making, which is referred as the hobby-art technique, drawing attention to the accidental and expressive energy of the haphazard. Like the spot paintings, the cabinet of ind ividual fish suspended in formaldehyde worked as an arrangement of colour, shape and form. Overcoming an initial distrust of its ease of assembly, the work came to be seen in the popular mind as a symbol of advanced art, people were mesmerized by how stunning and beautiful ordinary things of the world could be created and seen. Hirst creating paintings brought together the joy of life and the inevitability of death. A scene of pastoral beauty became one of languid death: in A Thousand Years, flies emerged from maggots, ate and died being zapped by the insect-o-cutor; in In and Out of Love, newly emerged butterflies stuck to freshly painted monochromes. Soon the emphasis changed from an observation of creatures dying to the presentation of dead animals. A shark in a tank of formaldehyde presented a once life-threatening beast as a carcass: it looks alive when its dead and dead when its alive. Hirst was at his most inventive by elevating the ordinary, the typical and the everyday with his fascination. Art is about experimenting and ideas, but it is also about excellence and exclusion. In a society where everyone is looking for a little distinction, its an intoxicating combination. The contemporary art world is what Tom Wolfe would call a statusphere. Its structured around nebulous and often contradictory hierarchies of fame, credibility, imagined historical importance, institutional affiliation, education, perceived intelligence, wealth, and attributes such as the size of ones collection. Great works do not just arise; they are created not just by artists and their assistants but also by the dealers, curators, critics, and collectors who support the work. Todays rapid pace of [artistic] innovation encourages short-term speculation, and speculation, in turn, enables the market to absorb new directions in art. Artistic innovation feeds speculation and vice versa. Moulin, The French Art Market Why has art become so popular? In the first place, we are more educated than before, and weve developed appetites for more culturally complex goods. Ironically, another reason why art has become so popular is that it is so expensive. High prices command media headlines, and they have in turn popularized the notion of art as luxury goods and status symbols. In a digital world of cloneable cultural goods, unique art objects are compared to real estate. They are positioned as solid assets that wont melt into air. Auction houses have also courted people who might previously felt excluded from buying art. And their visible promise of resale has endangered the relatively new idea that contemporary art is a good investment and brought greater liquidity to the market. But the art market also affects perception. Many worry that the validation of a market price has come to overshadow other forms of reaction, like positive criticism, art prizes, and museum shows. Art needs motives that are more profound than profit if it is to maintain its difference from and position above other cultural forms. Nevertheless, collectors demand for new, fresh and young art is at an all-time high. But as Burge (Christopher Burge, Christies chief auctioneer) explains, it is also a question of supply: We are running out of earlier material, so our market is being pushed closer to the present day. We are turning from being a wholesale secondhand shop to something that is effectively retail. The shortage of older goods is thrusting newer work into the limelight. Another Sothebys specialist explains, Our lives are constantly changing. Different things become relevant at different times in our lives. We are motivated by our changing sensibilities. Why can that not be applied to art as well? Art used to embody something meaningful enough to be relevant beyond the time at which it was made, but collectors today attracted to art that holds up a mirror to our times and are too impatient to hang on to the work long enough to see if it contains any timeless rewards. Experts say that the art that wells mos t easily at auction has a kind of immediate appeal or wow factor. On one level, the art market is understood as the supply and demand of art, but on another, it is an economy of belief. Art is only worth what someone is willing to pay for it is the operating clichà ©. Although this may suggest the relationship between a con artist and his mark, the people who do well believe every word they say at least at the moment they say it. The auction process is about managing confidence on all levels confidence that the artist is and will continue to be culturally significant, confidence that the work is a good one, confidence that others will not withdraw their financial support. Amy Cappellazzo from Christies explains what kind of art does well at auctions. Firstly, people have a litmus test with colour. Brown paintings dont sell as well as blue or red paintings. A glum painting is not going to go as well as a painting that makes people feel happy. Second, certain subject matters are more commercial than others: A male nude doesnt usually go over as well as buxom female. Third, painting tends to fare better than other media. Collectors get confused and concerned about things that plug in. Then they shy away from art that looks complicated to install. Finally, size makes a difference. Anything larger than the standard dimension of a Park Avenue elevator generally cuts out a certain sector of the market. These are just basic commercial benchmarks that have nothing to do with artistic merit. With such constraints from the art market, artists would tend to make art that fulfills the criteria to appeal in order to do well in auctions. Collecting is a powerful tactic for making sense out of the material world, of establishing trails of similarity through fields of otherwise undifferentiated material. The drive to acquire more things contains, orders and arranges peoples desires, creating an illusion of mastery through delineating a knowable space within that apparently endless universe of materiality. At whatever scale, collecting is informed by the desire to insure the owner against the inevitability of loss, forgetting and incompletion. (Cummings, N. Lewandowska, M., The Value of Things) Works of art, which represent the highest level of spiritual production will find favour in the eyes of the bourgeois only if they are presented as being liable to directly generate material wealth. Karl Marx on the notion of surplus value in Book IV of Captial When a branded collector like Charles Saatchi purchases an artists work in bulk, displays the work in his gallery, loans the work for display in other museums, or exhibits it in Sensation, the cumulative effect is to validate both the work and the artist. Each stage serves to increase the value of Saatchis own art holdings. Being described both as a supercollector and as the most successful art dealer of our times, Charles Saatchi himself responded, Art collectors are pretty insignificant in the scheme of things. What matters and survives is the art. I buy art that I like. I buy it to show it off in exhibitions. Then, if I feel like it, I sell it and buy more art. As I have been doing this for 30 years, I think most people in the art world get the idea by now. It doesnt mean Ive changed my mind about the art that I end up selling. It just means that I dont want to hoard everything forever. Nevertheless, his practice of buying emerging artists work has proved highly contagious and is arguably the single greatest influence on the current market because so many others, both veteran collectors and new investors, are following his lead, vying to snap up the work of young, and relatively unknown artists. He was also said to be capable of making or breaking an artist. However, his passion for art is not to be overlooked. In pursuit of established and new artists, Saatchi makes a point of visiting both mainstream and alternative galleries, artists studios, and art schools. Moreover, he did fall in love with works that were not saleable but still purchased them, for example, Hirsts A Thousand Years big glass vitrine holding a rotting cows head covered by maggots and swarms of buzzing flies and installation art like Richard Wilsons oil room [both purchased by Saatchi in 1990]. Perhaps Saatchis greatest legacy will be that he, more than any other, have been responsible for pitching modern and contemporary art into the British cultur al mainstream which he set out to achieve from the start. In 2005, British Artist Damien Hirsts work titled The Physical Impossibility of Death in the Mind of Someone living(photo) sold for $12 million dollars. People were asking the same question Why would anyone even consider paying this much money for a shark? Another concern was that while the shark was certainly a novel artistic concept, many in the art world were uncertain as to whether it qualified as art. The problem with conceptual art is that everyone has their own way of imagining it, based on their own fantasies, but perhaps it is not what they thought it is, it is relevant as long as it escapes the strict rules of painting, sculpture, and photography as they prevailed in the past. It thus takes paths that have no rules, where the principle of valorization is not or is only very slightly, based on art history. (Benhamou-Huet, The worth of art, 2008, p.95) But why so much money? What drives these collectors to invest astronomical sums of money as much or more than a working-class man earns in a lifetime in order to possess objects of intrinsic, nonmaterial value? American psychoanalyst Werner Muensterberger explored this quandary in his book Collecting: An Unruly Passion, in which he hints that these avidly amassed objects are like security blankets for grown-ups. The collector, not unlike the religious believer, assigns power and value to these objects because their presence and possession seem to have a modifying usually pleasure-giving function in the owners mental state. The unconscious reasons, then, for what we might call collectors security blankets are manifold. For some, the idea may be that the value of objects they buy will rub off on them. In this way, they may convince themselves that they can be somebody. Money itself is meaningless in the upper classes of the art world everyone has it. What impresses others is the o wnership of precious work. What the rich seemed to want to acquire is what economists call positional goods; possessions that prove to the world that they are really rich. And above all, art distinguishes you. Another part of the answer is that in the world of contemporary art, branding can substitute for critical judgment, and lots of branding was involved here. You are nobody in contemporary art until you have been branded. Saatchi Saatchi believes in global marketing, i.e., the use of a single strate